2017年11月22日 星期三

中國式鹹魚被列入致癌物?轉載自BBC

中國式鹹魚被列入致癌物?癌症專家怎麼說

2017年 11月 20日  http://www.bbc.com/zhongwen/trad/chinese-news-42051032

Getty Images Image caption 鹹魚料理是廣東人喜愛的菜式之一
「中國式鹹魚」與酒精飲料、檳榔、吸煙、二手煙以及口服避孕藥中的雌激素,同屬對人類確定有致癌風險的「一類致癌物」。

世界衛生組織(WHO)的國際癌症研究機構(International Agency for Research on Cancer,IARC)公布致癌物清單,中國國家食品藥品監督管理總局(CFDA)在網頁公布中英對照版,在對人類確定致癌的116種「一類致癌物'」中,「中國式鹹魚」(101 96  Salted fish, Chinese-style)引起網民討論。

台灣癌症基金會執行長賴基銘醫師對BBC中文表示,這份清單只標出一類致癌物是什麼,並沒有提及暴露在致癌物中的時間長短或濃度與癌症的關聯性,因此最好的方式就是「能免則免」、「盡量少接觸」。

IARC將致癌物由「確認致癌」到「很可能不致癌」依程度分為四個級別。



Getty Images Image caption 1955年香港的鹹魚攤檔。

為什麼特別指出「中國式鹹魚」而不只是廣義的「鹹魚」?賴基銘醫師表示,中國式鹹魚製作時並沒有將魚的內臟取出,臟器經過化學作用後會產生致癌的亞硝酸胺 (博主指上圖 1955 年所有鹹魚的內臟均已被取走).

廣東人的鼻咽癌的比率特別高,賴基銘醫師認為這和廣東人喜歡吃鹹魚的飲食習慣有關。

「鹹魚翻身了」


Getty Images  (博主指上圖所有鹹魚的內臟均已被取走)

鹹魚是中國華南地區盛行的食物,在世界其他沿海或海島地區,居民也會將捕獲的魚曬乾以長期保存。

鹹魚在粵語中有「死屍」的涵義,香港明星周星馳在《少林足球》中的台詞:「做人如果冇夢想,咁同條鹹魚有咩分別呢?」(做人如果沒有夢想,那和一條鹹魚有什麼分別?)成為流行語,「鹹魚」一詞在網絡世代的引申義更加多元。

網民對「鹹魚致癌」的新聞反應熱烈,微博網民「我是丁彬」留言說:「鹹魚翻身了。」網民「晉源」則說:「這下鹹魚確實不好翻身了。」
「某某喝水」留言:「鹹魚也是有夢想的!」
「CHENX1NKE」說:「連條鹹魚都做不了。」



1995厨王爭霸之我是出局者




上文已呈交香港行政會湯家驊:

info@pathofdemocracy.org
 2015/10/12

重慶新沁園巨型太古廚房

博主補充: 不到北京不知道官小, 不到上海不知道錢少, 不到重慶不知道胃口小

轉載自: 潘麗瓊巨型廚房: http://hd.stheadline.com/news/columns/15/20171121/622899/

 從未到過這麼巨型的「廚房」,佔地六十多萬方呎(等於十八個維園足球場)!「煮」事者有三、四百人,每天出產的麵包糕點達二十萬件。未來還會投資六千多萬購入自動化機械設備,目標是每天生產的食品達一百萬件,供應中國西南部數以千萬計的人口……背後擁有巨型廚房過千個餅店及分銷渠道,以重慶老字號「沁園」拓大巿場的,正是我們熟悉的太古集團。

  我飛重慶直奔沁園的中央工場。工場衞生標準極高,我們需戴上口罩、頭套、鞋套、白袍等,還要經過一條通道,用風吹走我們身上的微塵,像個即將進入手術室的醫生。

  據沁園的CEO袁國恩說,沁園在重慶有二十八年歷史,無人不識。太古看好中國西南部的發展潛力,以目前重慶市三千萬人口才有一千間麵包店,落後於例如台灣二千三百萬人口有大約一萬間麵包店的水平,所以發展空間很大。幾年前太古從創始人夫婦購入,即大事擴充。

  太古今次是第一次進軍烘焙業,重鎚出擊。在重慶以平均日開一店的速度,現已有六百間店,貴陽則有一百二十間,成都八十間。

  我們試了全牛奶麵包和特為聖誕節做的蛋糕西餅的味道,鬆軟味美。袁國恩說,中央工廠最難是在自動化大量生產下,堅持細膩味道和多樣化的裝飾。我則希望有一天沁園會班師回朝返回香港,讓我吃到香噴噴的牛奶造麵包。

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太古重慶力拓麵包連鎖店


袁國恩(左)表示,該集團致力提升產品質素,並以快速擴張增加市佔率。

  太古(019)去年進軍內地烘焙業,斥資近14億元收購重慶連鎖麵包店新沁園。重慶新沁園食品總經理及首席執行官袁國恩表示,將以多品牌形式擴大新沁園在當地的市佔率,目標是到2020年分店數目增加至1000間,成為全國首三大烘焙品牌之一。

  太古近年積極發展內地食品業,太古食品董事總經理劉永亮表示,內地經濟增速放緩,但食品業發展相對穩定,而且當地消費者仍能負擔得起「輕奢侈品」(Affordable deluxe),因此太古毋須「鬥平」,反而可針對注重食品質素的中高檔市場。

  他指,內地烘焙業未見壟斷,內地西南部的發展空間尤其龐大,今年已見南韓等外資陸續進入重慶,「重慶人口達3000萬人,麵包店只有1000間,而有 2000萬人的台灣,則擁10000間麵包店;而且重慶麵包的零售價與上海差不多,但成本低一半,利潤更高。」因此,太古去年全資收購重慶其中一主要連鎖麵包店新沁園,作為進入內地烘焙業的第一步。

  袁國恩表示,該集團接手後,致力提升產品質素,並以快速擴張策略,冀增加市佔率。新沁園現時在重慶、成都及貴陽擁有逾550間門店,袁國恩指,估計新沁園在重慶市佔率達30%至40%,今年預計將新開100至200間店,目標是2020年分店數目增加至1000間,以門店數目及收入計,成為全國首三大烘焙品牌之一。

  他又指,現時新沁園人均消費約20元(人民幣,下同),為提升同店銷售收入,每年將翻新80至100間分店,預計每間成本約10萬元,相信翻新後,每間銷售收入將增加15%至30%。

  劉永亮表示,太古食品非一般的代理商,而是希望與其他品牌建立長遠合作,因此將新沁園與太古取得代理權的瑞士雪糕品牌Mövenpick搞「crossover」,去年底在重慶投資150萬元,新設「手釀‧Mövenpick」雙重概念店,針對中高檔市場,提供烘焙班、高價麵包、雪糕及咖啡等。

  袁國恩表示,多品牌是為了滿足市場不同需要的消費者,該店提供當地少有的體驗式消費,開張兩個月,市場反應良好,人均消費達40 元以上,比新沁園高出一倍,預計今年將再開5間分店,回本期約兩年。他又指,今年下半年將推出新品牌「囍沁」,出售嫁喜禮餅,並會主力作網上銷售,同時在重慶開設首間門店,測試市場反應。


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轉載自太古食品集團: 

http://www.swirepacific.com/tc/about/trading.php?company=ChongqingNewQinyuanBakeryCompanyLimited

投資及管理若干類別食品的拓展工作

沁園食品公司於二零一六年成為集團旗下全資附屬公司。

重慶新沁園食品有限公司

太古食品全資擁有重慶新沁園食品公司,該公司是中國西南部一家主要的烘焙連鎖企業,於重慶、貴陽及成都擁有六百家分店。

葡萄牙最知名的蒜腸:米蘭德拉蒜腸(Alheira de Mirandela)

博主補充:  英國的香腸並非完全肉類 (含沒發酵的乾麵包),  是否受隣國葡萄牙影響?   英國香腸含沒發酵的乾麵包  http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_b96391280102w5o8.html

以下轉載自:   http://www.bbc.com/ukchina/trad/vert-tra-41654407

 

葡萄牙香腸「不但好吃還能救命」

西奧多拉·薩克利夫(Theodora Sutcliffe)
Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Manteigaria Silva是里斯本歷史最悠久的熟食店之一,1928年以來,這家店幾乎沒有太大變化。天花板上懸吊著熏火腿,貨架上擁擠地擺放著波特酒和馬德拉白葡萄酒,一塊塊金黃的奶酪塊靜靜等待著客人的關顧。而在風乾豬肉(lombo)和辣味香腸(chouriço)的旁邊,擺著一種葡式風味濃郁的香腸,這就是在2011年被票選為葡萄牙七大美食之一的蒜腸(Alheira,不用豬肉,而用其他肉類製成的香腸)。
就算是在香腸受歡迎的國家,人們也會覺得大部分填料不那麼健康。而在葡萄牙,人們對混合著麵包屑的蒜腸則喜愛有加。它不僅僅是一款爽心美食。在Manteigaria Silva鋪面幾米開外的羅西奧廣場(Rossio Square),當年大批猶太人在此遭受迫害,蒜腸可能在當時挽救了數百甚至數千人的生命。
只要有人願意聽,每道菜都可以有講不完的故事。而與世間大多數美食相比,葡式料理更具備厚重的敘事性,它就像是一張由入侵歷史和殖民故事交織而成的細密又繁複的掛毯,在不同大陸和宗教之間輾轉飄零。



Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption摩爾人統治時期,葡萄牙猶太人迎來了他們的黃金時代(圖片來源: Andrea Pucci/Getty Images)
"像葡萄牙的眾多菜餚一樣,最受歡迎和最古老的葡式美食誕生在多個世紀前的摩爾人統治時期——這一時期也被稱為西歐猶太人的黃金時代,"專攻里斯本猶太史的專家保羅·謝費爾(Paolo Scheffer)解釋道。

公元八世紀起,由北非侵入的穆斯林統治了伊比利亞半島大部分地區,包括丘陵城市阿爾烏斯布納(Al-Ushbuna),他們帶來了紛繁複雜的穆斯林文化,外族人稱他們為摩爾人。此後,這裏建立起了一個長期繁榮的猶太社會,猶太人和穆斯林彼此和睦相處。
從杏仁餅、玫瑰酥點,到湯餚、燉菜和香腸,兩大宗教的人民都為今天的里斯本留下了美食的印記。"我們有摩爾香腸和摩爾魚,甚至還有摩爾燉湯,這是現在是一種名為cataplana的海鮮菜式,"謝費爾觀察到,"但這些菜餚都遵守猶太教和伊斯蘭教的飲食規定,沒有添加如今流行的烹飪食材,比如貝類、豬肉和兔肉。"


Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption如果家中沒有懸掛香腸,那很可能住著躲避西班牙宗教裁判所的猶太人(圖片來源: Peter Ptschelinzew/Getty Images)
十二世紀,基督教十字軍第一次橫掃里斯本。他們洗劫和謀殺穆斯林、猶太人,甚至一些同為基督徒的人也受到迫害。這時的城市已經有了自己的烹飪文化:以豬肉和貝類為代表的基督教特色食材開始和與原有的當地烹飪風味相融合。後來,隨著葡萄牙遠征的足跡遍布全球,番茄、辣椒和黑胡椒等食材和佐料開始在葡式料理中留下印記。謝費爾指出,現在的葡萄牙基督教飲食與阿拉伯和猶太人的傳統菜式非常相似。

被基督教征服後,中世紀的葡萄牙仍然延續著摩爾帝國的傳統,成為了一片寬容並蓄的土地。然而,到了1492年,阿拉貢的費迪納德二世(Ferdinand)和他的戰爭女皇伊麗莎白·德卡斯提爾(Isabella of Castile)擊潰了最後一個摩爾酋長國格拉納達(Grannada),並佔領了阿罕布拉宮(Alhambra Palace)。
費迪納德和伊麗莎白是狂熱的天主教徒,他們認為虔誠的猶太教徒可能會鼓勵那些已經皈依基督教的人重拾自己過去的宗教信仰。他們指派審訊人員迫害國內的猶太教徒,這種恐怖統治手段就是歷史上稱為西班牙宗教裁判所(Spanish Inquisition)的時期。


Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption羅西奧廣場曾經是西班牙宗教裁判所的刑場(圖片來源: Jose Elias/Lusoimages/Getty Images)
因此,曾經在摩爾統治時期安居樂業在安達盧斯(Al-Andalus)的萬千猶太人被驅逐出西班牙。他們逃到葡萄牙,主要集中在里斯本,但這座城市也沒有提供太長時間的庇護。爆炸式的人口增加導致瘟疫爆發,基督徒公民強令所有猶太人必須住在城池之外。
到1496年,在葡萄牙居住的猶太人也被迫改信基督教,不願意改變信仰的人只能離開。十年後,一場大屠殺爆發,憤怒的公民和水手在全市範圍內屠殺了數以千計改變了宗教信仰的猶太人。1536年,宗教裁判所進入葡萄牙活動,不久之後,不論是虔誠的猶太教徒還是已經轉變為基督教徒的猶太人,幾乎都在羅西奧廣場經受了遊街懺悔、火刑焚燒等殘酷迫害。
葡萄牙的秘密猶太教徒將自己偽裝成基督徒,竭力掩飾自己的宗教信仰:他們在天主教祈禱書中藏著希伯來語的禱告詞,將猶太教的內容與天主教儀式相結合以掩人耳目。貝爾蒙特地區(Belmonte)甚至有一個社區將這一傳統秘密傳承了四百多年。而深藏在葡萄牙北部德拉什烏什蒙特什地區(Trás-os-Montes)崎嶇山脈中藏身的猶太人,創造了葡萄牙最知名的蒜腸:米蘭德拉蒜腸(Alheira de Mirandela)。


Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption米蘭德拉蒜腸經常被用在猶太安息日的燉豆湯(cholent)中(圖片來源: The Washington Post/Getty Images)
在德拉什烏什蒙特什地區,每個家庭都會醃製豬肉香腸以備過冬,並把它們掛起來。不吃豬肉的猶太人會因為不掛香腸而顯得十分顯眼。
謝費爾解釋說:"當地的告密者和宗教狂熱分子會向宗教裁判所舉報誰不吃豬肉。為了躲避宗教裁判的迫害,於是米蘭德拉鎮發明了一種麵包(和豬肉以外的其他肉類製成的)香腸,可以愚弄這些舉報者。"
謝費爾發現,對於德系猶太人(Ashkenazi Jews)來說,米蘭德拉蒜腸似乎與猶太腸(kishke)非常相似,後者是一種塞滿了肥肉、穀粉和調料的猶太香腸,經常在猶太安息日的燉豆湯(cholent)中出現。傳統上,德拉什烏什蒙特什地區的猶太人會用麵包和雞肉進行烹飪,但現在的米蘭德拉蒜腸不再嚴格遵循猶太教規,可以填充豬肉,野味,甚至蔬菜等任何食材。


Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption香腸是葡萄牙菜單中必不可少的美食(圖片來源: Maremagnum/Getty Images)
今天,米蘭德拉蒜腸早已翻越層層山脈而廣為人知,它與英式香腸類似,是一種家常美食。你不會在高檔的菜單上看到它,但它在超級市場隨處可見,也會和牛排雞蛋一起出現在路邊早餐店或鄰家小館中。
Zé dos Cornos餐廳位於里斯本聖喬治城堡(Castelo de São Jorge)腳下,是一幢白色小屋,菜餚盛放在巨大的矩形餐盤上,我目睹了當地人在此大快朵頤。烤成馬蹄形的米蘭德拉蒜腸看起來光澤誘人,搭配有煎蛋、炸薯條和白米飯。在煙熏的蒜味香腸裏填滿了多汁的肉塊和濕潤的酸味麵包屑。
儘管摩爾人擁有北非血統,但絶大多數人除了安達盧斯以外仍然難以追溯他們具體的故鄉,只知道他們在里斯本停留了很長時間。直到今天,他們所聚集的山坡地區仍被稱為Mouraria,意為"摩爾人鄉鎮"。但直至19世紀初,猶太人方才開始回歸,不過即使希特勒上台,在里斯本的猶太人也不超過一千。



Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption葡萄牙貝爾蒙特地區猶太人秘密禮拜延續了400多年(圖片來源: Paulo Amorim/Getty Images)
然而,在第二次世界大戰初期,中立城市里斯本又成為歐洲各地猶太人的避難所。葡萄牙外交官阿里斯蒂德斯·德蘇薩門德斯(Aristides de Sousa Mendes)抵住來自獨裁者薩拉查(Salazar)的壓力,向數千名猶太人發放了旅行證件:超過一萬名猶太人從里斯本起航穿越大西洋尋求棲身之地。
如今,葡萄牙各地都開始重新挖掘猶太歷史,但與其說米蘭德拉蒜腸是當年偽裝下的猶太人的象徵,不如說它是葡萄牙主流美食的一部分。就像葡萄牙語裏的"星期六(Sábado)"來自猶太安息日(Jewish Sabbath)一詞、里斯本的大街小道鋪滿了深受阿拉伯風格影響的瓷磚一樣,香腸是過去的標誌,見證了一段不同文化共融的紛繁歷史。



  • By Theodora Sutcliffe
12 September 2017
In Manteigaria Silva, one of Lisbon’s oldest delis, not much has changed since 1928. Cured hams dangle from the ceiling, port and Madeira wines compete for shelf space and slabs of golden cheese await the blade. And alongside the lombo (air-cured pork) and chouriço (chorizo) lies a sausage so thoroughly Portuguese that a 2011 public vote declared it one of the nation’s seven gastronomic wonders: alheira
Alheira likely saved hundreds, maybe thousands, of souls
In countries that eat sausages, a high proportion of filler is not generally considered a positive. But in Portugal, alheira, a garlicky affair stodgy with breadcrumbs, is highly prized. And it’s much more than just comfort food. In a time when Jews were being persecuted in Rossio Square, just metres from where Manteigaria Silva’s cream awning extends today, alheira likely saved hundreds, maybe thousands, of souls.
Every dish can tell a million stories, if only there’s someone to hear them. Yet Portugal’s cuisine is more narrative-heavy than most, a complex tapestry of invasions and colonisations that slips and slides between continents and religions. 
“Like many dishes in Portugal, the most popular and time-honoured ones have stayed with us over many centuries from the period of Moorish rule – also known as a golden era for Jews in Western Europe,” Paolo Scheffer, an expert on Lisbon’s Jewish history, explained.
From the 8th Century, the sophisticated Muslim culture from North Africa that outsiders called the Moors ruled much of Iberia, including the hilly city known as Al-Ushbuna. A Jewish community had long lived and flourished here, and Jews and Muslims lived in harmony.
Jews and Muslims both left their gastronomic mark on modern-day Lisbon
From marzipan and rosewater pastries to soups, stews and sausages, citizens of both religions left their gastronomic mark on what is today the city of Lisbon. “We have Moorish sausage, Moorish fish dishes and even Moorish broth, which is now a seafood dish calledcataplana,” Scheffer observed. “But those dishes would have adhered to Judaic and Islamic dietary laws without the popular ingredients added today like shellfish, pork and rabbit.” 
By the 12th Century, when Christian crusaders first roared through Lisbon, raping and murdering Muslims, Jews and fellow Christians alike, the city already had its own culinary culture: Christian elements, such as pork and shellfish, merged with this established set of flavours. Later, as Portuguese navigators spread across the globe, ingredients like tomato, chilli and black pepper would leave their mark in turn. At times, Scheffer said, it’s hard to separate what’s now identified as Christian Portuguese food from the established Arab and Jewish cuisines.
Following the tradition set by the Moors, medieval Portugal, even after the Christian conquest, was a generally tolerant place. However, in 1492, Ferdinand of Aragon and his warrior queen Isabella of Castile defeated the last Moorish emirate – Granada – and took the Alhambra Palace as their own. 
Avid Catholics, Ferdinand and Isabella believed that practising Jews might encourage those who had converted to Christianity to go back to their old religion. They appointed interrogators to persecute the Jews in their kingdom: their rule of terror would be known as the Spanish Inquisition.
As a result, tens of thousands of Jews who had flourished in Moorish Al-Andalus were thrown out of Spain. They fled to Portugal, particularly Lisbon, but the city did not stay safe for long. After overcrowding caused a plague outbreak, Christian citizens forced all Jews to live outside the city walls.
By 1496, Portugal’s Jews were also forced to convert to Christianity, or leave. Ten years later, rampaging citizens and sailors killed thousands of converted Jews in a citywide pogrom. In 1536, the Inquisition formally arrived in Portugal, and soon both practising Jews and Jews who had converted to Christianity were among the unfortunates parading in penance or burnt at the pyre in Rossio Square.
Jews went to huge lengths to conceal their faith
Disguising themselves as Christian converts, Portugal’s secret Jews went to huge lengths to conceal their religion – from writing Hebrew prayers in Catholic prayer books to combining Jewish words with Catholic rituals. (One community in Belmonte kept its faith alive in secret for more than 400 years.) In the rugged mountains of northern Portugal’s Trás-os-Montes, one of these hidden communities created Portugal’s best-known alheira sausage: Alheira de Mirandela.
In Trás-os-Montes every home preserved pork sausages to see the family through the winter, hanging them from the rafters in meaty coils. Jews – who did not eat pork – were conspicuous for their missing sausages. 
“They were seeking refuge from the Inquisition,” Scheffer explained. “So the town of Mirandela developed a bread sausage that could fool informers and local zealots who denounced them to the Inquisition for not eating pork.”
To Ashkenazi Jews, Scheffer observed, the Alheira de Mirandela seems very like kishke, a kosher sausage stuffed with fat, meal and flavourings that’s often served in the slow-cooked Jewish Sabbath bean stew known as cholent. The Jews of Trás-os-Montes traditionally made theirs with bread and chicken, although a present-day Alheira de Mirandela is no longer kosher and can include everything from pork to game, or even be vegetarian.
Today, the alheira has travelled far beyond the mountains. Rather like the British banger, it’s a comfort-food staple. You won’t find it in fine dining joints, but it’s ubiquitous in supermarkets, and appears alongside steak and eggs in workers’ cafes or neighbourhood diners.
At Zé dos Cornos, a white-tiled little place below Lisbon’s Castelo de São Jorge, I watched local workers chow down from huge rectangular plates. The Alheira de Mirandela came glossy, grilled and horseshoe-shaped, alongside a fried egg, French fries and white rice. In the smoky and garlicky sausage, chunks of juicy game mingled with chunks of sour, soggy breadcrumbs. 
The Moors, most of whom, despite their North African ancestry, had known no home but Al-Andalus, stayed in Lisbon for a long time. Even today, the hillside district where they lived is known as Mouraria (Moorsville). But it was not until the early 19th Century that Jews began to return and, even as Hitler rose to power, there were no more than 1,000 Jews in Lisbon.
Yet, during the early days of World War II, the neutral city again became a refuge for Europe’s Jews. Defying the dictator Salazar, Portuguese diplomat Aristides de Sousa Mendes issued travel documents to thousands of Jews: more than 10,000 Jews would set sail from Lisbon to safety across the Atlantic.
Today, although towns and cities across Portugal are beginning to rediscover their Jewish history, the alheira is more a part of mainstream Portuguese cooking than a symbol of the people who created it. Like the Portuguese word for ‘Saturday’ – 'Sábado', for the Jewish Sabbath – and the brilliant Arab-influenced tiles that illuminate Lisbon's teetering streets, the sausage is an indicator of a past as cosmopolitan as it is complex.
 


為什麼以色列並沒有很多「猶太食品」?

以下轉載自: http://www.bbc.com/ukchina/trad/vert-tra-40598672


為什麼以色列並沒有很多「猶太食品」?

薩拉·特裏萊文和傑米·萊文(Sarah Treleaven and Jamie Levin)
Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
特拉維夫(Tel Aviv)的五月中旬,午後的氣溫正在上升。我坐在"伊娃餐館"(Eva's)裏吃著雞湯餛飩(包肉餡的小餃子)。由於沒有空調,很快我便大汗淋灕。
"伊娃餐館"已經在這條破舊的艾倫比街(Allenby Street)開了 48 年。菜單是典型的阿什肯納茲猶太人(Ashkenazi,或者稱之為東歐猶太人)風格的食物,玻璃展示櫃裏滿是精緻的猶太薯餅(薄煎餅)和清炒花菜。按照通俗的說法,"死面"麵糰(類似灌湯包或灌湯水餃)是"下沉之物"。這意味著它們密度較大,會沉在雞湯碗的碗底。("漂浮之物"則更輕更鬆軟,它們會浮在碗中。技巧以及個人喜好造就了這個差別。)


Image copyrightALAMYImage caption猶太"伊娃餐館"位於特拉維夫的艾倫比街(圖片來源:M.Sobreira/Alamy)
裏面設有三張單獨的桌子,桌旁分別坐著一位 70 多歲的老人,其中一人正在一邊玩填字遊戲一邊吃一大塊炸雞排。沒有其他生意。"這可不是年輕人吃的東西,"老闆伊娃·沙赫特(Eva Schachter)說道,他們家祖上是德國人。"這是外婆最喜歡的食物。我能夠記得我的母親和外婆所做烹飪食物的味道。"伊娃笑了,她的髮型略偏中性,下面是一張滿是斑點和皺紋的臉。
對於許多外國遊客而言,最吃驚的事情之一就是很少能在以色列見到廣為人知的猶太經典食品。早餐中的熏製鮭魚、貝果和奶油乳酪去哪裏了?那些在蒙特利爾或洛杉磯常見的猶太特色美味佳餚呢?或者全世界猶太餐館裏都有的"庫格爾"(kugel ,用雞蛋麵或土豆製作的砂鍋)、魚丸凍(用水煮魚製作的開胃菜)和"死面"麵糰湯呢?特拉維夫版《Time Out》甚至有一個名為"在特拉維夫哪裏能找到最好的猶太菜"的版面,僅有的幾家售賣德系猶太菜品(像"伊娃餐館"那樣)的咖啡館作為代表將它們的菜單和遮陽篷用"猶太菜"標籤裝飾起來,這些是你在附近的沙瓦瑪永遠不會看到的景象。所有這些都明顯地展示出猶太經典美味在這裏有多稀缺。


Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption名為"latkes"的炸薯餅是猶太美食的主要代表(圖片來源:Owen Franken/Getty Images)
事實上,以色列美食長久以來都與它的直接環境息息相關,呈現出地中海和中東地區傳統與食材的融合特點。早期的猶太復國主義者熱切地接納了巴勒斯坦菜餚,例如沙拉三明治、鷹嘴豆泥和沙瓦瑪,而近年來以色列人的口味變得更加多樣化。然而,"猶太菜"仍然很少見。但是很少有遊客知道以色列猶太美食稀少背後的原因:儘管早期的移民者大多數是來自東歐的德系猶太人,但他們由於食物短缺和特意為了形成新的民族特徵的原因而放棄了猶太菜。
與相對繁榮的美國不同的是,美國的熟食——主要使用臘肉——被從歐洲而來的猶太移民廣泛食用,而財政緊縮是以色列建國初期的一個標誌。在 1948 年以色列建國後的十年中,隨著人口的快速增長,以色列政府實行配給制。國外貨幣的減少導致諸如油、糖和肉等進口原料變得稀缺。燃料,例如天然氣和電,同樣供應短缺;而在烘焙前需要一道額外水蒸工序的貝果烹飪方式太消耗能源。人們將目光轉向大量生長的茄子,發明了如"sabich"之類的食物,一種填充了這種肉嘟嘟蔬菜的皮塔三明治。


Image copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption在猶太人建國早期肉類很稀缺,因此茄子成了首選的食材(圖片來源:Dan Porges/Getty Images)
即使在緊縮期結束後,黎凡特的環境也不足夠適合德系猶太人烹飪的發展。牛肉是烹飪黑麥熏牛肉和紅燒牛腩的首要食材,而最開始時,因為炎熱的氣候而無法大量養殖牛。但猶太經典美食並非單單只包括熟食三明治,因此財政緊縮也不能完全解釋猶太菜沒有在這個新國家發揚光大的原因,可能必須要從意識形態方面找原因。
猶太復國計劃的早期擁護者們致力於在如今的以色列地區建立一個猶太國家,力爭要抹除他們過去的痕跡。正如歐洲移民者選擇希伯來語而非意第緒語,以及選擇卡其服裝而非禮服和禮帽,他們也有目的地選擇吃本地菜而非德系猶太菜。"很多最初到此的德系猶太人,也就是那些意識形態的先驅者們,想要切斷他們與過去的聯繫並強調猶太復國計劃的新穎之處,"希伯來大學蘇聯和東歐猶太民族教授索勒·斯坦福(Shaul Stampfer)解釋道。"而這麼做的途徑之一[就是]通過食物來體現。"
Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image caption最早的猶太復國主義移民者推廣建立統一的飲食文化(圖片來源:Stuart Freedman/Getty Images)
接納本地食物為早期歐洲人的進入帶來了一種真實的感覺。選用本地食材,比如那些在沙漠和地中海海岸茁壯生長的蔬菜,並借鑒阿拉伯廚房的一些菜餚,這成為了猶太復國主義故事的一部分。當時的一些廣告甚至央求人們食用當地種植的"希伯來西瓜"。猶太人回到了錫安並通過飲食做出了證明。
後來,隨著從摩洛哥到埃塞俄比亞猶太移民的湧入,每個地方的人們都帶著自己獨特的飲食習慣,建立全國性的飲食文化顯得更加重要。"它們都是隨著來自不同文化和傳統的人們而來,很難說服人們他們是統一的群體。"《沙拉三明治國度:以色列烹飪和國家認同的建立》一書的作者雅艾爾·雷維夫(Yael Raviv)說道,"他們必須採取一切手段來加強這個國家的統一。食物與猶太人的傳統、隱士教規(猶太飲食規則)聯繫緊密,而以色列經濟的主要驅動力是農業,因此這成為了一個非常有效的工具,並可以用於多種途徑。"


mage copyrightGETTY IMAGESImage caption早期的猶太復國主義者接納了諸如沙拉三明治之類的巴勒斯坦菜餚(圖片來源:Photostock Israel/Getty Images)
早期的猶太復國主義移民者,其中大部分是德系猶太人,成為了建立統一飲食文化的積極參與者。"早期的移民非常努力地想要在巴勒斯坦的土地上建立新的生活。"雷維夫說道,"這給了他們很大的動力來丟棄一些東西,接受新的東西。"並且雷維夫注意到這種態度有一定的實用主義色彩:"如果你無法得到一個東西,那麼就必須要學會在沒有它的情況下生活。"
近年來,以色列人形成了更加多樣化的口味,在特拉維夫的街道上到處可以見到泰國菜和墨西哥菜餐館。然而,猶太菜仍然很少見。一些熟食店想要打入以色列市場——但是目前仍然處於早期階段。一個更加成功的創新者"Deli Fleishman"將它們的三明治描述為"猶太國度的猶太美食"。儘管他們的"布魯克林"三明治莫名其妙地包含了阿根廷香辣醬,與來自紐約的著名的"Katz's Deli"大相徑庭。"煙熏和發酵是真正的技巧,"來自費城"Zhhav"餐館的詹姆斯·比爾德美食大獎獲得者、以色列廚師邁克爾·索羅門諾夫(Michael Solomonov)說道。"直到最近,以色列美國人才開始前往以色列並開始製作熏牛肉。"

Image copyrightGETTY IMAGES
Image caption直到最近,以色列美國人才開始將熏牛肉帶回以色列(圖片來源:Boston Globe/Getty Images)
但是,一些更加傳統的德系猶太人烹飪方式取得了更大的成功。作為融合了來自世界各地散佈的猶太傳統的以色列美食運動的最新部分,一些北美和歐洲的特徵開始明顯增多。典型的歐洲猶太美食,例如美味的動物肝臟開始與更多的本地食物(如石榴和鱷梨)一起出現在高端餐館的菜單上。在特拉維夫的"Raz Rahav's OCD"餐館,你可以品嚐到蕎麥粥(膨化蕎麥)、鱒魚生魚片以及刺山桔蒜泥蛋黃醬,不同的經典美食。索羅門諾夫非常期待這一烹飪傳統的復興。
"人們很願意尋根,這不是對陳詞濫調的重覆,而是對傳統的慶祝,"他說。"下一個領域將是德系猶太菜。"
但想到伊娃餐館,這裏的德系猶太菜雖然不是未來的潮流或者一個誘人的趨勢;但它是那些已經消失的過去留下的令人感到舒適的痕跡。"我有自己的老主顧,"伊娃說著,一邊朝走進來的一位老人點點頭,老人找了一張桌子坐下,他想品嚐的就是過去的味道。

原文: http://www.bbc.com/travel/story/20170607-why-isnt-there-more-jewish-food-in-israel
  • By Sarah Treleaven and Jamie Levin
14 June 2017
It was mid-May in Tel Aviv and the afternoon heat was rising. Sitting in Eva’s, a small un-air conditioned restaurant, eating chicken soup with kreplach (small dumplings filled with ground meat), sweat formed quickly behind the knees.
Eva’s has been located on this dumpy stretch of Allenby Street for 48 years. The menu is classic Ashkenazi – or Eastern European Jewish – food, and the glass display case is full of prepared potato latkes (pancakes) and fried cauliflower. The matzoh balls (soup dumplings) here are ‘sinkers’, in the common parlance. That means that they’re dense and bready, sitting in the bottom of the bowl of chicken soup. (‘Swimmers’ are lighter and spongier, and they float on the surface. The difference is a question of both skill and personal preference.)

There were three separate tables of single men in their 70s, one of whom was completing a crossword while working away at a large chicken schnitzel. Business was otherwise quiet. “This is not food for young people,” said proprietor Eva Schachter, whose family is originally German. “It’s grandma food. I’m old enough to remember the taste of the food my mother and grandmother used to make.” Eva smiled, her freckled and deeply wrinkled face framed by a gamine haircut.

One of the biggest shocks for many foreign visitors to Israel is the lack of Ashkenazi Jewish cuisine with which they are familiar. Where are the smoked salmon, bagels and cream cheese at breakfast? What about the delis that define 'Jewish cuisine' from Montreal to Los Angeles? Or the kugel (a casserole made from egg noodles or potato), gefilte fish (an appetizer made from poached fish) and matzoh ball soup served at Jewish tables around the world? Time Out Tel Aviv even has a section entitled ‘Where to find the best Jewish food in Tel Aviv’, and the few cafes that do sell Ashkenazi food (like Eva’s) typically emblazon their menus and awnings with the label ‘Jewish food’, something you would never see at a neighbourhood shawarma joint. These are strong indicators of just how spare this kind of cuisine is here.

In reality, Israeli cuisine has long been more closely associated with its immediate environment, a fusion of Mediterranean and Middle Eastern traditions and ingredients. The early Zionists eagerly adopted Arab dishes, such as falafel, hummus, and shawarma, while in recent years Israelis have developed a more diversified palate. Still, ‘Jewish food’ remains scarce. But very few visitors know the reasons behind the dearth of it in Israel: despite the fact that many Jews living in Israel can trace their lineage to Eastern Euripe, they forsook traditional Ashkenazi food both because of scarcity but also in deliberate service to the formation of a new national narrative.
Israeli cuisine has long been more closely associated with its immediate environment
Unlike the relative prosperity of the US, where the deli – which specialises in preserved meats – flourished with the arrival of Jewish immigrants from Europe, the early years of Jewish statehood were marked by austerity. For the first decade following the formation of the state in 1948, the Israeli government imposed rationing on its rapidly growing population. Dwindling foreign currency made imported staples like oil, sugar and meat scarce. Fuel, such as natural gas and electricity, was also in short supply; bagels, which require an extra step of boiling before being baked, were too energy-intensive. The population instead made due with extra helpings of aubergine, which grew in abundance, and spawned such dishes as sabich, a pita sandwich overstuffed with the meaty vegetable.

Even after austerity ended, the Levantine environment was never quite suited to Ashkenazi cuisine. Cattle, a necessary first step for a pastrami-on-rye or braised brisket, originally failed to flourish in the hot climate. But Ashkenazi food always consisted of more than a deli sandwich, so austerity alone cannot explain its failure to thrive in the new Jewish state – and that’s where ideology comes into play.

Early adherents to the Zionist project, committed to creating a Jewish state in the territory now known as Israel, sought to abandon vestiges of their past. Just as the European settlers favoured Hebrew over Yiddish and khakis over frock coats and homburgs, they also purposefully chose to eat indigenous foods over Ashkenazi ones. “Many of the first Ashkenazi Jews who came here, the ideological pioneers, were interested in cutting off their roots from the past and emphasizing the newness of the Zionist project,” explained Shaul Stampfer, professor of Soviet and East European Jewry at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. “One of the ways of doing that [was] through the food.”

The adoption of indigenous food lent the early European implants an air of authenticity. The production of local ingredients – the things that grew well in the desert and along the Mediterranean coastline, and the many dishes adapted from Arab kitchens – became part of the Zionist narrative. Advertisements at the time implored the population to eat locally grown ‘Hebrew watermelons’. The Jewish people had returned to Zion and had the diet to prove it.
The Jewish people had returned to Zion and had the diet to prove it
Later, as Jewish immigrants from Morocco to Ethiopia began piling in, each with their own unique style of cooking, the creation a national cuisine became ever more important. “They were grappling with people from different cultures and traditions and it was a challenge to convince them that they belonged together,” said Yael Raviv, author of Falafel Nation: Cuisine and the Making of National Identity in Israel. “They had to use everything and anything to forge this unified nation. Food is so tied to Jewish heritage, laws of kashrut [kosher dietary rules], and the Israeli economy is really driven by agriculture – so it became a very effective tool because it could be used in these various ways.”

The earliest Zionist settlers, most of whom were Ashkenazi, proved willing participants in the building of this unified food culture. “The early immigrants were very committed to making a new life in the land of Palestine,” said Raviv. “That gave them a high degree of motivation to leave behind certain things and embrace new things.” And Raviv noted that there was a certain pragmatism to this attitude: “If you can’t get something, you have to learn to live without it.”

In recent years, Israelis have developed a more diversified palate, with Thai and Mexican restaurants easy to find on the streets of Tel Aviv. Still, Ashkenazi food remains scarce. Several delicatessens have tried to break into the Israeli market – though the training wheels are still on. One of the more successful entrants, Deli Fleishman, describes their sandwiches as a ‘Jewish taste for the Jewish state’ – although their ‘Brooklyn’ sandwich inexplicably contains Argentinian-style chimichurri and is a far cry from New York’s famous Katz’s Deli. “Smoking and fermenting are a real skill,” said Israeli chef Michael Solomonov, the James Beard Award-winning chef behind Philadelphia’s Zahav restaurant. “Only recently have Jewish Americans come to Israel and started making pastrami.”

Still, some more traditional elements of Ashkenazi cuisine have had greater success. As part of the nouveau Israeli food movement, which is synthesizing diaspora Jewish traditions from around the world, there’s a renewed interest in North American and European contributions. Classic European Jewish fare like chopped liver is starting to work its way onto fusion menus at high-end restaurants alongside more local ingredients like pomegranates and avocados. At Raz Rahav’s OCD restaurant in Tel Aviv, kasha (puffed buckwheat groats) mingle with trout sashimi and caper aioli. Solomonov has great hopes for the resurgence of this culinary tradition.
The next frontier will be Ashkenazi food
“People are getting really excited about their roots, and it’s less about the clichés and more about celebrating traditions,” he said. “The next frontier will be Ashkenazi food.”
But back at Eva’s, the Ashkenazi food isn’t a wave of the future or an enticing trend; it’s a comfortable vestige of the disappearing past. “I have my clients,” said Eva, as she nodded towards another older man who walked in, found a table and was offered a taste of a world left behind.

EDITOR’S NOTE: An earlier version of this story implied that Ashkenazi cuisine defined all ‘Jewish’ cuisine. We have made adjustments to the text to clarify that Ashkenazi cuisine, while highly recognisable, does not exemplify all ‘Jewish’ cuisine.  

西班牙人用餐時間晚的真正原因

傑西卡·瓊斯 (Jessica Jones) 2017年 6月 8日  以下轉載自:  http://www.bbc.com/ukchina/trad/vert-tra-40204584
 Image copyright Getty Images Image caption 西班牙採用歐洲中部時間,與塞爾維亞同一時區(圖片來源:Facto Foto/Getty)

拉提納 (La Latina) 街區是馬德里最古老的地區之一。晚上 10 點,在鵝卵石鋪就的街道上人聲鼎沸,到處都有人在享用 gambas al ajillo(蒜蓉蝦)和 cocido Madrileño(馬德里燴肉,一種包括鷹嘴豆、豬肉和西班牙辣香腸的豐盛燉菜)。這個時間,大多數其他國家餐廳都已經打烊,但這裏的餐廳仍然人潮湧動。

儘管旅行者可能會認為,西班牙用餐時間晚是因為這個國家人們悠閒的地中海式生活方式,但真正的原因卻可能有點奇怪。這個原因就是,70 多年以來,西班牙人一直生活在錯誤的時區裏。

看一下地圖,您就會發現西班牙與英國、葡萄牙和摩洛哥位於相同經度,應該採用格林尼治標凖時間(GMT)。但是,西班牙卻採用歐洲中部時間(CET),與馬德里以東 2,500 公里的塞爾維亞的貝爾格萊德同步。

那麼,為什麼西班牙人要按照落後於他們地理時區的時間生活呢?
1940 年,佛朗哥將軍(General Francisco Franco)將西班牙的時區往前調了一個小時,以便與納粹德國同步。

那時候,西班牙人備受西班牙內戰摧殘,完全沒心思去抱怨時間的更改。他們繼續按照以前的時間吃飯,但因為記時的方式改變,他們午飯的時間也就由下午 1 點變成 2 點,以往晚上 8 點的晚餐時間也突然之間變成了 9 點。

二戰結束後,西班牙並沒有恢復自己的時間。然而,2016 年,西班牙首相馬里亞諾·拉霍伊(Mariano Rajoy)宣佈了一項計劃,讓政府制定新的工作日時間表,將工作的結束時間由晚上的 8 點改為 6 點。這項計劃的一個重要方面是評估將西班牙使用時區從歐洲中部時間調到格林尼治標凖時間的可行性,這一計劃引起了全國範圍的熱烈討論。


Image copyright Alamy Image caption 由於工作日下班時間為晚上 8 點,西班牙人的社交生活就留到了深夜(圖片來源:Stefano Politi Markovina/Alamy)

西班牙時間比正確的時區晚 60 分鐘,這意味著日出日落的時間都更晚了,讓西班牙人擁有了漫長的夏夜,太陽到晚上 10 點才下山。西班牙一些旅遊度假區的經營者認為更多的陽光是吸引遊客的一大優勢。西班牙東部巴利阿里群島(Balearic Islands,包括馬略卡島Mallorca、梅諾卡島Menorca和伊比沙島Ibiza)的地區政府強烈反對恢復格林尼治標凖時間,甚至舉行大型活動要求保留全年夏令時 (CET+1),從而讓遊客可以充分利用該地區溫和的冬季氣候。
但是對於很多西班牙人而言,生活在錯誤的時區下導致他們睡眠不足,工作效率下降。西班牙工作時間通常從上午 9 點開始,午餐時間為下午 2 點到 4 點,然後繼續工作直到晚上 8 點左右下班。由於下班時間很晚,所以西班牙人不得不將社交活動推到深夜。黃金時段的電視節目直到晚上 10:30 才開始。
同時,在西班牙西北部的加利西亞地區(Galicia),冬季太陽要到上午 9 點之後才升起,這意味著這裏的居民要摸黑上班。


Image copyright Alamy Image caption 錯誤的時區劃分使夏季夜晚更長,太陽在晚上 10 點才落山(圖片來源:PhotoStock-Israel/Alamy)

"事實上,西班牙目前採用的時間跟太陽照射時間不符,這會影響健康,尤其是睡眠,"西班牙時間合理化國家委員會主席胡塞·路易·卡塞羅(José Luis Casero)表示。該組織從 2006 年起開始為西班牙回歸正確的時區而奮鬥。"如果我們改變時區,太陽會提前一小時升起,我們也會更自然地醒來,就餐時間會提前一小時,我們就多了一小時的睡眠時間。"

西班牙人為了適應遲來的夜晚,會在上午設一個喝咖啡時間以及兩個小時的午休,這讓人們能夠享受這個國家最令人尷尬的傳統之一:午睡。

改變工作時間會威脅到西班牙人的午睡習慣,儘管人們是不是介意這一點還有待討論。2017 年 1 月 Simple Lógica 公司開展的一項調查顯示,不到 18% 的西班牙人有午睡習慣,而將近 60% 的人從不午睡。事實上,這個國家的很多大城市和度假勝地的店主們在午休時間仍然營業,以便為遊客提供服務。
同時,午睡者們抱怨對他們日常生活節奏的改變讓他們不能睡午覺。

"我們應該在西班牙取消午睡制度,因為這根本不符合現實,"卡塞羅說。"隨著時區的改變,晚飯時間提前,我們就多了一個小時的睡眠時間,這樣就不需要睡午覺了。"

Image copyright Getty Images Image caption 改變時區會威脅到西班牙人的午睡習慣(圖片來源:Ignacio Perez Diez/Getty)

巴塞羅那 IESE 商學院(Instituto de Estudios Superiores de la Empresa)的工作生活平衡研究專家、經濟學家努利亞·欽奇拉認為,歸根結底,提高西班牙人的生活質量遠比為旅遊者多保留一兩個小時的夏夜更重要。
"我們無需太關注時差問題,"她表示。"旅遊業一直都有時差問題,旅遊者們也不在乎。不管所謂早上多了一小時還是晚上多了一小時,白天的時長不會變。"

英文原文  http://www.bbc.com/travel/story/20170504-the-strange-reason-spaniards-eat-late

  • By Jessica Jones
8 May 2017

It is 10pm in the Madrid neighbourhood of La Latina, one of the city’s oldest areas, and the cobbled streets thrum with the sounds of people enjoying plates of gambas al ajillo (garlic prawns) and cocido Madrileño (a hearty chickpea, pork and chorizo stew). Restaurants are bustling at an hour when, in most other countries, chefs would be hanging up their aprons for the night.

While travellers might attribute Spain’s late mealtimes to the country’s laidback Mediterranean attitude, the real reason is a little more peculiar. Spaniards are living in the wrong time zone, and have been for more than 70 years.

Glance at a map and you’ll realise that Spain – sitting, as it does, along the same longitude as the UK, Portugal and Morocco – should be in Greenwich Mean Time (GMT). But Spain goes by Central European Time (CET), putting it in sync with the Serbian capital Belgrade, more than 2,500km east of Madrid.
Spaniards are living in the wrong time zone, and have been for more than 70 years.
So why are Spaniards living behind their geographic time zone?
In 1940, General Francisco Franco changed Spain’s time zone, moving the clocks one hour forward in solidarity with Nazi Germany.

For Spaniards, who at the time were utterly devastated by the Spanish Civil War, complaining about the change did not even cross their minds. They continued to eat at the same time, but because the clocks had changed, their 1pm lunches became 2pm lunches, and they were suddenly eating their 8pm dinners at 9pm.

After World War II ended, the clocks were never changed back. However, in 2016, Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy announced that the government was working on a plan to implement a new workday schedule ending at 6pm as opposed to 8pm. One important element of the plan was evaluating the possibility of changing Spain’s time zone from CET to GMT – something that has sparked a heated discussion throughout the country.

Being 60 minutes behind the correct time zone means the sun rises later and sets later, bestowing Spain with gloriously long summer evenings and 10pm sunsets. Those who run Spain’s tourist resorts believe that more sunlight is a large draw for visitors. The regional government of the Balearic Islands ‒ which include Mallorca, Menorca and Ibiza ‒ is strongly against returning to GMT and has even campaigned to maintain year-round summer time (CET+1) to allow visitors to take full advantage of the region’s mild winter climate.

But for many Spaniards, living in the wrong time zone has resulted in sleep deprivation and decreased productivity. The typical Spanish work day begins at 9am; after a two-hour lunch break between 2 and 4pm, employees return to work, ending their day around 8pm. The later working hours force Spaniards to save their social lives for the late hours. Prime-time television doesn’t start until 10:30pm.

Meanwhile, in the northwestern region of Galicia, the sun doesn’t rise until after 9am in winter, meaning that residents are starting their day in the dark.

“The fact that the time in Spain doesn’t correspond to the sun affects health, especially sleep,” said José Luis Casero, president of the National Commission for the Rationalization of Spanish Schedules, an organisation that has been campaigning for Spain to return to the correct time zone since 2006. “If we changed time zones, the sun would rise one hour earlier and we’d wake up more naturally, meal times would be one hour earlier and we’d get an extra hour’s sleep.”

Spaniards have traditionally coped with their late nights by taking a mid-morning coffee break and a two-hour lunch break, giving them the opportunity to enjoy one of the country’s most infamous traditions: the siesta.
It doesn’t fit with reality.
Changing the workday would threaten Spaniards’ customary naptime, although whether or not citizens would mind is still up for debate. A January 2017 study by research company Simple Lógica found that less than 18% of Spaniards nap regularly, while nearly 60% never take a siesta. In fact, business owners in many of the country’s major cities and holiday resorts remain open during the midday break to cater to tourists.

Meanwhile, those who do nap express frustration when changes in their daily routine prevent them from sleeping mid-day.
“We should really banish the siesta in Spain because it doesn’t fit with reality,” Casero said. “And with the change of time zone bringing meal times forward and giving us an extra hour of sleep, there would be less need for a rest at midday.”

When it comes down to it, economist Nuria Chinchilla, an expert in work-life balance at the Instituto de Estudios Superiores de la Empresa business school in Barcelona, feels that quality of life for Spaniards is more pressing than preserving an extra hour or two of evening light for tourists.

“We have continuous jetlag,” she said. “Tourism will always be there and tourists don’t care. The number of hours of sunlight will be the same, whether it is an extra hour in the morning or in the evening.”